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  • Canada's largest school district ended its police program. Now Toronto may be an example for U.S. districts considering the same.

    Prompted by Black Lives Matter protesters and informed by a controversial survey of high school students on their feelings about having police stationed in their schools, Toronto pulled police from its schools in 2017 and since then has refuted warnings of a spike in misbehavior and crime. While arrest numbers and data on students’ current feelings about safety are unknown, Canada’s largest school system at least proved that it could address unhappiness with a police presence without decreasing safety.

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  • ACERT: Getting help for traumatized kids

    To connect children with the counseling and other services they need to heal from traumatic experiences, the Adverse Childhood Experience Response team trains police and others to spot problems early and make prompt referrals. Laconia's ACERT program has started small, with 14 interventions in its first nine months, but it's patterned on Manchester's program, which in less than four years has helped 1,200 children and families. By refining its approaches to families, the program convinces most to permit interventions. Early help for trauma can spare children long-term, serious health and emotional problems.

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  • What's Happened To Hawaii's Police Shootings Review Board? Audio icon

    The groundswell for greater accountability in police shootings has barely caused a ripple in Hawaii, where the state’s Law Enforcement Officer Independent Review board has finished only one case in its first three years of existence and has suspended meetings during the pandemic. With one of its two citizen member slots vacant on an otherwise law-enforcement-heavy board, the panel fails a basic tenet of accountability by severely limiting public access to the cases it’s considering and its deliberations, says one critic.

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  • How Decades Of Bans On Police Chokeholds Have Fallen Short

    One of the key police reforms sought after the death in Minneapolis of George Floyd, bans on chokeholds and other neck restraints, has failed to curb abuses in some of the nation’s largest police departments because of lax enforcement and easily found loopholes in such policies. Despite existing bans, some as old as 30-40 years, multiple people in those cities have died when neck restraints were used during their arrests with few repercussions. Lack of effective training and disagreements over such tactics’ efficacy are among other reasons experts say the practice persists.

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  • Can implicit bias training help cops overcome racism?

    Implicit racial bias has solid scientific grounding, and training programs to make police officers aware of it and overcome its effects in their work have been widely embraced. But it is hard to measure whether such training reduces police brutality and racially disparate law enforcement. And there are many ways in which such programs fail, in part by force-feeding entire police departments a message they resist. There are ways to cure these flaws, including by making it voluntary and letting its lessons ripple out more organically in a police department.

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  • Two Countries Dismantled Their Police to Start Fresh. It Worked—Up to a Point.

    Georgia and Ukraine offer cautionary advice to Americans whose mass protests seek structural changes in policing, even abolishing entire police forces. The same was true in those two countries. But, in both cases, initial successes at replacing corrupt police forces ended up reversed or at least limited by backsliding, as other parts of government and society resisted the changes.

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  • The City that Really Did Abolish the Police Audio icon

    A decade after Camden crime and police relations hit bottom, and five years after President Obama lauded its new police department as a model for reform, the city's successful reboot of its police force offers both encouragement and cautionary notes for a radical makeover of a police department. Excessive force rates and homicides have both dropped. A toothless disciplinary system has been replaced. But, while residents agree conditions have improved, they point to a number of changes still needed after the entire department was replaced.

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  • The Camden Police Department Is Not A Model For Policing In The Post-George Floyd Era

    Hailed as an example of a successful, radical makeover of a police department, Camden's policing actually represents only a slight shift, from mass incarceration to its close cousin, mass supervision through surveillance and a continued reliance on broken-windows-style over-policing. Much of the city's reform consists of slick rebranding; for example, hot spots policing turns into "guardian zones," but the effect on residents is similar. Policing and conditions have improved, but not for the reasons that police reformers would like to think.

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  • Community groups have consistently failed to improve policing. These advocates are pushing a new way.

    Civilian oversight panels serving as watchdogs and disciplinary enforcers for police departments have a generally poor record of effectiveness, thanks to multiple structural flaws. But examples of successful oversight are multiplying, and thanks to protests of police violence many more cities are working to establish bodies with real power to investigate wrongdoing in specific cases and effect change throughout an agency. One city getting high marks for its program is Denver, where the Office of Independent Monitor succeeded in pressing for new use-of-force rules, which cut incidents by 21% in a year.

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  • This is how the Police Advisory Commission should work in Philadelphia

    Truly independent citizen review boards can serve as an effective check on police misconduct if they are structured properly, but too many cities are like Philadelphia, where a lack of power and resources means they serve mainly as window dressing. The history of the Philadelphia Police Advisory Commission shows how initial efforts by community groups to establish real oversight fizzled through political gamesmanship and limits on the panel’s power to investigate and discipline. More promising models exist in Phoenix, Denver, and St. Louis.

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